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Bare-Bone BB-KE23, a comparison of his Bare-Bone BB-KE23 recitations of the same section of the text showed that only one in five phrases was different. My impression is that most, if not all, performances of the Subu Heniin text share a common repertoire, which Bare-Bone BB-KE23 clan traditions draw upon. Each man, it seems, draws on his clan tradition and works out his own stock of familiar phrases and noun-pairs, as well as his arrangement of them.

All nyibus, it seems, chant a text that is recognisably the same, although its surface texture varies from clan to clan and, to a Bare-Bone BB-KE23 extent, from individual to individual. This textual consistency of the Subu Heniin is largely the result of repetition.

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Beneath Bare-Bone BB-KE23 fluctuating textural patterns, recurring words, phrases, lines, names and lists lend structure to the Subu Heniin text, while also reducing acoustic and semantic range. Phrases also recur. In fact, some nyibus, who are unable to remember Bare-Bone BB-KE23 the episodes and details in the Subu Heniin, fill the long hours of chanting by relying on these stock phrases.

Coherence is also created by references to Apatani mythology.

While the names of some ancestors and spirits vary from village to village though less from clan to clanthose of Bare-Bone BB-KE23 figures and their the subu heniin text Bare-Bone BB-KE23 stories are consistent. The central characters in the story of the culture hero Abo Tani —his sister, Dolyang Chanyang; his father-inlaw, Siikki; his sons, Ato Neha, Tarin and Tati—are known by nearly everyone. Other figures familiar to many people include Chantung Lyapin Chantua protective female spirit, and Popi Sarmin, the ancestor of wisdom.

The listing of names in genealogies provides another kind Bare-Bone BB-KE23 consistency throughout the Subu Heniin text. A nyibu recites the parentage of the elements, spirits, plants and animals section 9.


He then moves on to a complicated genealogy of the ancestors who performed Murungs in the past section 10which leads Bare-Bone BB-KE23 the first human beings section This is followed by a list of the genealogical links Bare-Bone BB-KE23 the neighbouring tribes dolo Bare-Bone BB-KE23 misanApatanis doding or tanii and nontribal outsiders halyang in section An earlier section 7 consists of a list of Apatani ancestors, arranged by clans within each village. Other lists, without genealogical links, also contribute to the stable content of the Subu Heniin.

These series of names thread through the text, stitching together its various sections. Bare-Bone BB-KE23, usually nounpairs, of known forests, fields, rivers and mountains are frequently repeated, and dozens of rivers are named in the description of the origin of water section 8. The most prominent lists, however, are those of spirits.


On Bare-Bone BB-KE23 separate occasions Bare-Bone BB-KE23 7, 14, 15, 16 and 17the nyibu recites the names of spirits and their lapangs, each for a different purpose, and each list contains between thirty and sixty names. Cosmology lends coherence to the Subu Heniin text, too.

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As explained in the previous chapter see also chapter 5Apatanis imagine two cosmologies. The horizontal cosmology, expressed only in the Murung chant, is a series of concentric circles; its inner core—house, lapang, village—is the centre of the text, where the nyibu begins his performance. The topographical zones that surround Bare-Bone BB-KE23 core provide a template for the naming of ancestors and spirits in two long sections of the text 6 and 7.

The vertical cosmology, articulated both in the Subu Heniin and the funeral chant, is a network of paths that the nyibu Bare-Bone BB-KE23 along on the journey to the land of the dead and back sections 14— Taken together, these two cosmologies organise nearly half the entire text. This sequence of sections in the chant is consistent from Bare-Bone BB-KE23 to nyibu and from performance to performance.

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No matter whom I asked or heard chanting, the series of named sections was the same. In the few instances where names varied, it turned out Bare-Bone BB-KE23 sections had been divided into two parts, so that the nineteen sections of the performance Bare-Bone BB-KE23 in this book were expanded to twenty-one, twenty-two or twenty-three. This subdivision of episodes, however, did not alter the overall content of the text.


The content in each textual section was also consistent across the my Bare-Bone BB-KE23 versions and the printed fragments. One reason for this textual uniformity is that several passages and even entire sections of the Subu Bare-Bone BB-KE23 are found in other ritual texts. The descent to the land of the dead sections 14 and 15 Bare-Bone BB-KE23, for example, is chanted as a separate text with some difference in wording at Apatani funerals.

Finally, although the Subu Heniin is not itself a single narrative, it does contain two discrete stories Abo Tani; Niikun Sukun from Apatani oral tradition.

Each of these stories comprises an entire section of the Bare-Bone BB-KE23 Heniin, so that together they add a considerable amount of textual consistency. Every textual section in the Subu Heniin has a title, as shown in the left-hand column in the chart 3. Each is also marked during performance by a formulaic opening, such as: I am the Aba Nibo nyibu, Bare-Bone BB-KE23 on the lapang; I am the Ato Doni shaman, chanting in the early morning.

In the right-hand column of the chart, I have collapsed these locally recognised sections into thematic clusters and added a summary.

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